Archive for november, 2010

Consie en Anja praten haatzaaiende onzin

november 26, 2010

Allochtone automutilant Palestijn of de maagdelijkheid

Onderstaande onzin is een 1-2tje tussen Consie Lozano-Taguba en Anja Meulenbelt.

Vreemd genoeg is het ingezonden door Consie(een miltante tante met maoistisch stalinistische gedachten) maar neergeplempt als ware het van Anja met haar grote voeten en grote stinkende bek.
Hoewel Consie het Nederlands schijnt te beheersen moest het hoog nodig in het Engels maar goed het zij zo ik verklaar mij nader maar verzoek de lezer zich eerst door de onzin van Consie en Anja te worstelen alvoor ik gehakt maakt met het stukje proza van deze linkse nestbevuilers wat de Filippijnen betreft.

6.hello anja,

below is an article on the rape and sexual morality in
the philippines, you might be interested.

this article was written in view of the recent news
about a 22 year Filipina raped by 6 US Servicemen in
the Philippines.

btw, i saw the photos in your weblog, mooi!

greetings,
consie (pinay sa holland-gabriela and filippijnes
jongeren verbond)

——————-
The ” Pera o Puri” (Money or Chastity) Mentality:
Rape & Sexual Morality in the Philippines

The rape of yet another Filipina by US servicemen has
managed to surface a host of issues, many of them of
long-standing controversies.

In recent days what for one woman was already a
nightmare, became a veritable feast of issues for many
others, ranging from the national sovereignty and the
Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA), US militarism,
anti-terrorism and the US government’s toleration (and
encouragement) of the abuses and excesses of its
servicemen abroad.

On one hand the GMA administration has all but brushed
off the rape case as unimportant in the face of the
“greater good,” that is in this case, the VFA and the
“anti-terrorism” campaigns and exercises by the US
government. On the other hand, a host of groups have
made reference to the case to drumbeat the issue of
the VFA.

For the media, the sexist angle of focusing on the
woman’s reputation was and is a continuing selling
point for their stories. Was she a bar girl? Was she
a sex worker or wasn’t she? She’s a college graduate.
She’s no sex worker.

Tabloids have kept the rumor mills running by
speculating on purported offers of an out of court
settlement by the US servicemen, using such terms as ”
Suhol Sumingaw.” A case has not even been filed yet.
Apparently however this woman is already on trial.

According to reports, the woman has been in a state of
shock since the incident. Sadly, this sorry state of
affairs may not be helping her deal any better.

On one level, the clamor to relate and highlight the
VFA and US Military Policy to such cases is
understandable. Contrary to media and government
claims, such rapes are not isolated cases. Cases of US
servicemen actually being caught, brought to court on
charges and accused in the first place are indeed rare
but being raped by US servicemen is actually a
relatively known risk among women in prostitution in
the Philippines. The woman in this most recent case
was not a bar girl nor a sex worker but the sexual
violence she was subjected to had nothing to do with
her personal circumstances. Instead, it had everything
to do with how women are subjected to sexual violence
as a consequence of sex and gender – of being a woman
in a world where the experience of sex itself, is
predominantly male defined.

In one recent focused group discussion by Womenlead
Foundation, Inc., women who were once in prostitution
shared their own experiences of having been exposed to
all sorts of violence in brothels, bars or the
streets. One woman however recounted how her
experience of having been involved in akyat barko (or
prostitution which happens in US military ships docked
on Philippine ports) as among the most harrowing. She
spoke of women being most vulnerable when they take
the risk of coming aboard a military vessel because
when they do, they had nowhere to run to if and when,
things went bad. She told us a story about one woman
who was attacked by a serviceman and how her lifeless
body was seen floating near the ship later in the
night. These dangers it seemed were treated like
“built-in risks” of the “job,” and such incidents were
rarely reported, let alone any formal charges filed.
After all, these women knew most people don’t believe
it when a woman in prostitution cries rape.

Yet the seriousness of these many issues
notwithstanding, what has become very bothering is how
this lone woman is now seemingly bearing the entire
burden of the VFA, the US anti-terrorism campaign, US
military presence all by herself, because of what
happened to her. Many groups are even spelling out the
terms of what justice is and should be in her case,
feeding the media frenzy of moralizing on the news
about an out of court settlement.

Indeed, in a case like this, settling the criminal
case would be out of the question since a public crime
like rape is within the DOJ prosecutor’s authority.
She or he will decide whether or not a case should be
filed given the evidence and from there on, an
information in court can be filed. Lets get this
straight. Criminal cases , once filed, can never be
legally “settled” in or out of court. The case may be
withdrawn if there is not enough evidence or it can be
dismissed for failure to prosecute along the way.

However, the civil aspect of the case is a different
case altogether.The woman in this case (and any
private complainant) has every right to enter a
compromise agreement on the aspect of damages later in
court or otherwise, assisted by her counsel.

The problem with the idea of “compromise agreements”
in local culture is that it is unfortunately equated
with pay offs and the cases of bribery amongst ranking
government officials who in violation of their sworn
duties, influence the outcome of cases either by
pressuring complainants to back out or execute an
affidavit of desistance. The local term suhol is
precisely this: a bribe.

This is where the public (and interest groups wanting
to assist this woman) should be cautioned about
getting on their high horses and moralizing about the
amounts accepted by victims of crime in the settlement
of civil cases, specifically sexual abuse cases.

Sadly, this pera o puri mentality is so widespread,
even victims themselves who enter into such
settlements often express feelings of shame because
all too often, they feel the pressure from all sides.
After all, in a culture such as ours, sexual purity (
i.e. the myth of physically demonstrable virginity) is
purportedly “priceless,” and should not be available
for any amount of bidding. Yet at the same time, this
same pera o puri mentality is the primary purveyor of
the belief that women in prostitution are precisely
not “rapable” any more because by being sexually
deviant (i.e. unchaste), they have lost the right to
refuse all sexual advances and even sexual assault.

It seems that even if a monetary amount spells out but
one aspect of the legal liabilities of the accused,
the woman victim in a sexual abuse case accepting it
(and even defining the terms) is bound to be the one
tried publicly and condemned for her act.

When you think about it, pera o puri expresses the
same binary categories that Filipino women are up
against: you are either chaste (puri) or your chastity
can be bought, (pera). You are either a virgin or a
prostitute. Uncannily, while what makes rape, rape for
women is the lack of consent and the violation of
their will, the sexist standard predetermines the
status of being “rapable” based on notions of “female
chastity.”

In this way, Filipino women are not free to act on or
express their sexuality – that is without ever
escaping the consequences. Filipino women are just
often not free to define their sexuality and in fact
their sexual decisions are often, pre-defined for
them. There is no choice. Its either or. It is pera o
puri. (Carolina S. Ruiz Austria, Senior Lecturer – UP
College of Law)

Reactie door Anja — zaterdag 12 november 2005 @ 11.28

Consie kermt er op los dat het een lieve lust is en zegt in feite dat in de Filippijnen vrouwen niet vrij zijn wat sexualiteit betreft, het is geld of maagdelijkheid en zet de Filippijnen neer als achterlijk en achterhaald wat sexualiteit betreft.
Dat het onzin is is wat mij betreft evident maar vraag mij af wat Meulenbelt zou zeggen dat dit toch echt van toepassing zou kunnen zijn in landen zoals Iran waar men via het tijdelijk huwelijk en uiteraard geld goedkoop van bil gaan. Ik zou op zeker als racist neergezet zijn omdat ik een te grote bek zou hebben over de Islam maar Anja heeft uiteraard het volste recht om de overwegend katholieke mensen op een nogal lullige manier neer te sabelen.
Lullig omdat nou net de katholieke kerk in de Filippijnen veel en veel moderner is dan menig persoon voor mogelijk zal houden. Gebruik de pil, het condoom en dit soort zaken krijgt U als informatie mee van de katholieke priester indien U wilt gaan trouwen in een katholieke kerk in de Filippijnen.

 Het dynamic dou van de bevrijdingstheologie Luis Jalandoni en Conie Ledsma zijn notabene in het huwelijk getreden met inzegening van Kardinaal Jaime Sin van dat uiteraard achterlijke Filippijnen. Samenhokken doet men al jaren in de Filippijnen en ik vrees dat Consie en Anja poep praten maar da’s logisch omdat de revolutie in de Filippijnen gepromoot dient te worden en agitprop nu eenmaal gepaard gaat met hele of halve leugens.

Why Kintanar Was Killed – The Real Story

november 25, 2010


Written by Nathan Gilbert Quimpo

The Communist Party of the Philippines has acknowledged killing former New People’s Army chief Romulo “Rolly” Kintanar, claiming that he deserved capital punishment for his “criminal and counter-revolutionary acts.”
Was that the real reason for his assassination?
It is true that the NPA under Kintanar did engage in activities such as kidnapping-for-ransom, armed bank robberies and hold-ups. However, that such activities went on for a long stretch of time – even during the periods when Kintanar was captured and put behind bars –indicate that they were (or still are) CPP policy and not just Kintanar’s adventurism.
If CPP leader had indeed been aghast and appalled by the kidnapping of businessman Noboyuki Wakaoji in 1986, why did they not speak out then? Why did they not remove Kintanar then? And what has the CPP-NPA to say about the wholesale extortion it regularly conducts during elections for so-called “permits-to-campaign”?
The claim that Kintanar was conniving with the Philippine military and police in counter-insurgency operations is speculative – the CPP has not presented any evidence. Same with the so-called assassination plot on CPP founding chairman Jose Ma. Sison. Besides, if Kintanar had really wanted to hit the CPP-NPA, he would not have done so through “surveillance operations, psy-ops and sabotage operations and attacking and attempting to destroy NPA units and guerrilla zones” as claimed, but through other means, as will soon be illustrated.
Kintanar has also been held as one of those responsible for the anti-infiltration purge in Mindanao in 1985-86 that claimed the lives of hundreds of suspected government spies. The charge is false – Kintanar had left Mindanao more than a year before the purge.

The CPP-NPA’s International Links

If it wasn’t for criminal and counter-insurgency activities, why then did the CPP want Kintanar killed?
For one, he knew too much.
Kintanar was at the helm of the NPA at a time when the CPP-NPA was at its peak. The CPP’s Maoist precepts dictated that to achieve revolutionary victory, the CPP-NPA had to move from guerrilla warfare to regular warfare. Thus, Kintanar boldly embarked on “regularization,” building larger NPA formations and launching bigger “tactical offensives.” Soon enough, however, Kintanar realized that regular warfare required a steady stream of arms and ammunition. This meant that the CPP-NPA would somehow have to find a reliable and stable arms source and also find a way of getting the arms into the country.
China, too busy building “market socialism” (read: capitalism), was no longer willing to export revolution as before. (In the early 1970s, the CPP had botched two attempts at procuring arms from China.) Thus, in the latter half of the 1980s and in the early 1990s, Kintanar and his deputies traveled to various parts of the globe, searching for possible sources of arms. Using Yugoslavia as their international base, they linked up with many revolutionary or “anti-imperialist” governments (like Libya, North Korea and Iraq) and movements (like the Palestine Liberation Organization, the Sandinistas and even the Japanese Red Army). Kintanar and company did secure promises of arms but they were never really able to solve the problem of smuggling the arms into the Philippines.
One of the “anti-imperialist” governments with which they developed close ties provided them with hard-to-detect counterfeit US dollars. The NPA widely used these fake dollars in both its international and domestic operations in the late 1980s. The fake dollar racket was busted in 1990, forcing the CPP-NPA to close certain accounts in international banks.

CPP-NPA on the Political Defensive

The tagging of the CPP-NPA as a “terrorist organization” by Western governments and the Philippine government has been very much in the news lately. The US Central Intelligence Agency, Interpol and other Western intelligence agencies and the Philippine military intelligence are all well aware of the CPP-NPA’s connections and activities, but they have never been able to convincingly prove its being a “terrorist” organization before a court of law.
Nonetheless, the CPP-NPA has been put on the political defensive. Note all the outcry against its being labeled “terrorist.”
In a cheap and desperate bid to show that it is a respectable organization, the CPP-NPA is now trying to pin the blame on Kintanar for actions that could be deemed “terrorist” or “criminal” – kidnappings, fake dollars, etc. – and claiming that these were without authorization by the CPP leadership. Kintanar has become a convenient – and silenced – scapegoat.
When US military advisor Col. James Rowe was ambushed and killed by NPA partisans in 1989, CPP leaders were all in ecstasy. Now, however, Sison, apparently fearful of being extradited or spirited away to the US or Guantanamo, has issued a statement, crying: Kintanar’s to blame, not me.
As a seasoned and shrewd politico-military cadre, Kintanar knew only too well that the CPP-NPA could not be defeated simply through military means. Assisting the military in such efforts as surveillance and attacking NPA units would not have had much effect. It was in the political sphere that the CPP-NPA was most vulnerable.
If he had wanted to, Kintanar could very well have spilled the beans – publicly – on the CPP-NPA’s linkages with governments alleged to be promoting or coddling “terrorism” (especially those in Bush’s “Axis of Evil”) and with movements still considered “terrorist” like the JRA; on the counterfeit dollars; or on the NPA’s “special operations,” etc. As a former member of the CPP Politburo, Kintanar had access to inside information on the party’s discussions and assessments of the anti-infiltration purges not just in Mindanao but also in Southern Tagalog, Metro Manila, Northern Luzon in the 1980s. And, of course, access too to information regarding the Plaza Miranda bombing of 1971. His personal testimony as former NPA leader and former CPP Politburo member on any of these would have been damning for the CPP-NPA.
Kintanar did not tattle. In fact, perhaps out of his faithfulness to the revolutionary cause, he had expressly advised those who remained loyal or friendly to him to keep mum. He did not want to risk the revolutionary movement, or the left in general, being put in too negative a light.
If he wasn’t talking, why would they still do him in then? Well, there was always the possibility that he could some day.

He Dared to Oppose

But there is actually another factor to consider, a deeper reason. It has to do with the very frame of mind of at least some in the CPP leadership. Kintanar was killed because, over a certain period at least, he had dared to oppose.
In 1986, during a Politburo discussion on who should replace the newly-resigned Rodolfo Salas as party chairperson, Kintanar, newly promoted to the Politburo, pushed for an internal party investigation of the Plaza Miranda bombing. He was overruled, however. (Back in 1972, Kintanar had been present when Danny Cordero, an able NPA commander, made an astounding confession just before he was executed by the party for insubordination: that he had thrown the grenades at Plaza Miranda in 1971 and that Sison himself had ordered the bombing.)
The differences between Sison and Kintanar built up. In the late 1980s and the early 1990s, Kintanar resisted efforts of pro-Sison forces to break up large NPA formations. In Europe, Sison tried to wrest command of the NPA’s international machinery, but Kintanar’s operatives still basically followed the NPA chief’s orders.
In 1992-93, the internal party struggles spilled out into the public arena when Sison faxed press statements from Utrecht, accusing Kintanar and two other Politburo members of being “renegades”, “enemy agents” and “gangsters.” In turn, the latter lambasted him for being a “dictator” and for being “Stalinist” and “dogmatist.” A few months later, the CPP announced to the media that Kintanar, Filemon Lagman and other “rejectionist” leaders would be tried by “people’s courts” and meted out death sentences.
After his expulsion from the CPP, Kintanar gradually drew away from the intense polemics and character assassinations that continued between the “reaffirmists” and “rejectionists.” These were not his cup of tea, nor his forte. He pursued his new life as a consultant on security for various government agencies, which involved mainly going after criminal syndicates. He maintained links with old comrades, but these were largely of a social nature. He did give advice to those still politically active when they asked for it.
With Kintanar already out of revolutionary politics, why not let him be? For the powers that be in the CPP, however, expulsion was not enough.
Kintanar must have had prescience – but apparently not enough precaution – in his abhorrence of Stalinists. Even when he already was the absolute ruler of the Soviet Union, Stalin, in his megalomania, did not stop at merely expelling those in the Communist Party who opposed him. He put them to death. It did not matter if the expelled dissenters remained politically active or not.
It is all so clear now that within the CPP, there are leading members of the same mold. They can brook no opposition, no challenge, no criticism. They view those who oppose them as being counter-revolutionaries, renegades, enemies of the people.
Kintanar? How dare he oppose! How dare he challenge and defy! How dare he put the party leadership to public scorn! The Party – the vanguard of the Philippine proletariat! NPA chief at that!

Uugod-ugod na!

The vindictiveness, viciousness and long memories of at least a number of those in the CPP leadership should not be underestimated. I distinctly remember an account narrated to me by Charlie (pseudonym), one of Kintanar’s closest deputies.
Sometime in the mid-80s, the NPA General Command received an “order of battle” i.e., a list of persons to be executed, from the CPP leadership. The list, they were told, had originated from prison. One of the names near the top of the list was an unfamiliar one. When the GC asked for clarification, they were told that the person concerned was a “Lavaite” (one belonging to the pro-Soviet Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas, from which Sison and company had broken away before establishing the CPP in 1968).
In preparation for the kill, the GC sent an operative to Central Luzon to check the “Lavaite’s” whereabouts. That proved easy. Neighbors simply pointed to his house, and said, “That’s his house. And that’s him, in the yard.” The operative drew near but soon stopped dead in his tracks. He was shocked to find an old man, sweeping fallen leaves, doing so very slowly. Reporting back to the GC, he asked, “Why him? He’s so old. Uugod-ugod na! (Already doddering!)” Kintanar and company quietly “demoted” the old man to the bottom of the list, thereby saving him from the gunman.
When the story was told to me, I recalled something I had read some time ago – that the intense ideological struggle of the young Maoists in the PKP with the “Lavaite” leadership had been in the 1960s. This meant that someone or some persons in the CPP leadership had not forgotten – nor forgiven – those who had opposed and criticized them even after twenty years!
The former NPA chief was tried in absentia by a kangaroo – or possibly even fictitious – “people’s court” purportedly in 1993. Kintanar’s executioners certainly took their time in meting out the sentence, but they did not have to wait for him to be old and doddering. If the perpetrators, especially the mastermind, of the Kintanar murder are not apprehended and punished, then the foremost question now can only be: Who’s next in the order of battle?

(The author is a former member of the Mindanao Commission and the International Department of the Communist Party of the Philippines.)

Kristalnacht

november 10, 2010

Het is weer ouderwets hommeles geweest bij de laatste kristalnacht. Omdat ene René Danen de vorige kristalnacht kaapte en misbruikte om de ergste jodenhaters die ik ken te gaan eren besloten joden het heft wederom in eigen hand te nemen.
Zeiden dolle mina’s “Baas in eigen buik”. zo zeggen de joden nu “Baas in eigen propaganda” wat betreft de kristalnacht.
Dat onderstaande Youtube niet alleen van toepassing moge zijn op Nazi’s maar ook van toepassing is op communisten, sommige moslims, bureaucraten, appaRATsjiks etc.. moge hierbij evident zijn.


OF
klik hier voor Youtube1(the day the Nazi died)

De volgende is bedoeld voor die personen die maar niet willen begrijpen dat er mensen zijn die die kristalnacht willen eren door ook het dragen van een vlag van Israel


OF

klik hier voor Youtube2 (mouth full of shit)

Wat Meulenbelt niet wil weten

november 4, 2010

Het gulden schot met de muisklik
Walden Bello onder schot, met dank aan Anja Meulenbelt.

Als Filippijnenkenner wist ik dat Walden Bello bedreigd is door Sison(CPP/NPA/NDF), het staat beschreven in A new Letter of Concern.
Van de schrijver is ook te lezen Murder as Politics.

Op een pagina van Anja Meulenbelt is Walden Bello, activist uit de Filipijnen (sorry Anja het is Filippijnen) te zien en fluisterde op haar pagina als een volleerd Meulenbelt-fluisteraar en dus bijzonder onderdanig dat er ruzie in de marxistische tent was en dat Walden Bello bedreigd is. Lastig voor Anja daar Anja in het verleden een moordpartij, door Sison’s troepen gepleegd, in de schoenen wou schuiven van de regering van de Filippijnen zie dagboek-9-november-2005.

Anja is duidelijk niet gediend van herrie in haar marxistische toko dus werd mijn opmerking er even hard er af gedonderd als het er neer gezet was met de volgende tekst van Anja als verklaring waarom ik werd verwijderd/gemeulenbelt:

Sorry, anonieme filipijnenkenner, het heeft heel weinig zin om op een oude post van vijf jaar geleden nog eens over de kwesties te beginnen waar we hier verder praktisch niets van af weten – en ik ook niet, zodat ik de portee niet kan beoordelen. Je zult een ander plek moeten vinden voor de discussie.
Reactie door Anja — maandag 1 november 2010

Het is duidelijk dat Anja van niets wil weten, ze moest eens solidair zijn met een ander.
Hun strijd, onze strijd, internationale solidariteit is niet van toepassing bij Anja Meulenbelt